A Reanalysis of the Hebrew status constructus in Yiddish
Superficially, Yiddish (Y) appears to have incorporated Hebrew construct phrases with their Hebrew grammatical devices intact. This paper shows that Hebrew-origin construct phrases in Yiddish have been grammatically reanalyzed, shedding light both on historical processes of linguistic change and on...
| Main Author: | |
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| Format: | Print Article |
| Language: | English |
| Check availability: | HBZ Gateway |
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| Fernleihe: | Fernleihe für die Fachinformationsdienste |
| Published: |
College
1991
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| In: |
Hebrew Union College annual / Jewish Institute of Religion
Year: 1991, Volume: 62, Pages: 305-327 |
| IxTheo Classification: | BH Judaism |
| Further subjects: | B
Hebrew language
B Yiddish |
| Parallel Edition: | Electronic
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| Summary: | Superficially, Yiddish (Y) appears to have incorporated Hebrew construct phrases with their Hebrew grammatical devices intact. This paper shows that Hebrew-origin construct phrases in Yiddish have been grammatically reanalyzed, shedding light both on historical processes of linguistic change and on the nature of compounding in a synchronic grammar of Yiddish. The basic type of compounding in Yiddish is Germanic: the modifying element (MOD) precedes the modified element (HEAD); main compound stress in on the first element, the MOD; gender, adjective agreement, and plural formation are based on the second element, the HEAD. Thus, for example, Y compound tógbùx 'diary' has neuter gender, and plural tógbìxər, based on neuter HEAD bux 'book' (plural: bíxər), rather than on masculine MOD tog 'day' (plural: teg). Biblical Hebrew did not have true lexicalized compounds. Noun-noun relationships were expressed syntactically, with typical order HEAD-MOD. Main stress was on the MOD. Limited morphological/phonological marking did develop, however. The HEAD was marked as being in the construct state. Gender, adjective agreement, and plural formation were based on the HEAD. In Y, the Hebrew-origin construct phrases have been integrated as lexical compounds. However, the integration of HEAD-MOD constructions into a language which is typologically MOD-HEAD has left interesting residue. The original order of elements (along with stress pattern) HÈAD-MÓD is maintained. However, gender, adjective agreement, and plural formation are based on the morphology/phonology of the MOD. Thus, the plurals of Yiddish ksáv-jád 'document', sèjfər-tójrə 'scroll of Torah' are ksàv-jádn, sèjfər-tójrəs (cf. Biblical Hebrew singulars kəθàƀ-jɔ:ð, sè:fεr-to:rɔ:, plurals kìθƀe:-jɔ́:ð, sìfre:-to:rɔ́:). Yiddish shows a generalization in compound nouns from MOD-marking to second-element marking |
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| ISSN: | 0360-9049 |
| Contains: | In: Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion, Hebrew Union College annual / Jewish Institute of Religion
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