Berlin and the Cold War

"The Cold War is back in the news. So is history, in the sense of past geopolitical confrontations that for a span of a few decades were thought to be largely decoupled from present-day political developments. Of course, such reflexive reactions lack nuance and, until the Russian invasion of Uk...

Ausführliche Beschreibung

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Bibliographische Detailangaben
1. VerfasserIn: Givens, Seth A. 1984- (Herausgegeben von, Verfasst von)
Beteiligte: Trauschweizer, Ingo (Herausgegeben von) ; Momper, Walter 1945- (Vorwort von)
Medienart: Druck Buch
Sprache:Englisch
Subito Bestelldienst: Jetzt bestellen.
Verfügbarkeit prüfen: HBZ Gateway
WorldCat: WorldCat
Fernleihe:Fernleihe für die Fachinformationsdienste
Veröffentlicht: Athens Ohio University Press [2024]
In:Jahr: 2024
Bände / Aufsätze:Bände / Aufsätze anzeigen.
Schriftenreihe/Zeitschrift:Baker series in peace and conflict studies
normierte Schlagwort(-folgen):B Berliner Mauer / Ost-West-Konflikt / Weltpolitik
weitere Schlagwörter:B Berlin Wall, Berlin, Germany, 1961-1989
B Berlin (Germany) History 1945-1990
B Cold War
B World Politics 1945-1989
B HISTORY / Modern / 20th Century / Cold War
B HISTORY / Europe / Germany
B Konferenzschrift 2021 (Athens, Ohio)
Online-Zugang: Cover (Verlag)
Inhaltsverzeichnis (Aggregator)

MARC

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245 0 0 |a Berlin and the Cold War  |c edited by Seth Givens and Ingo Trauschweizer ; foreword by Walter Momper 
264 1 |a Athens  |b Ohio University Press  |c [2024] 
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500 |a "[... ] the Ohio University Contemporary History Institute for putting on the symposium on which this volume is based" (Foreword, S. xiv.) 
505 8 0 |t Foreword  |r Walter Momper 
505 8 0 |t Introduction  |r Ingo Trauschweizer 
505 8 0 |t Part I. Postwar to Cold War, 1945-1957 
505 8 0 |t Gone but not forgotten : the status of Berlin and the founding of the West German state, 1944-1952  |r Samuel Miner 
505 8 0 |t The first crisis : US Army planning and the defense of Berlin, 1945-1950  |r Seth Givens 
505 8 0 |t The United States, Berlin, and the 1953 uprising  |r Christian F. Ostermann 
505 8 0 |t Abduction city : abduction by the GDR State Security Service in Cold War Berlin  |r Susanne Muhle 
505 8 0 |t Part II. Crisis, 1958-1971 
505 8 0 |t The never ending Berlin Crisis and the limits of alliance politics  |r Erin Mahan 
505 8 0 |t The Berlin Wall in History and Memory  |r Hope M. Harrison 
505 8 0 |t Between freedom's symbol and casus belli : Berlin in the Johnson and Nixon years  |r Thomas Schwartz 
505 8 0 |t Part III. Beyond the Cold War in Berlin, 1972-1990s 
505 8 0 |t Trade and energy diplomacy as catalysts for détente : Berlin and the Schmidt and Kohl governments  |r Stephan Kieninger 
505 8 0 |t Berlin 1989 and the New Atlanticism : US and West German visions for the post-Cold War architecture of Europe  |r Peter Ridder 
505 8 0 |t Performing the Wall after its fall  |r Matthew Cornish. 
520 |a "The Cold War is back in the news. So is history, in the sense of past geopolitical confrontations that for a span of a few decades were thought to be largely decoupled from present-day political developments. Of course, such reflexive reactions lack nuance and, until the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, tended to refer more to tensions between the United States and China. We should neither see Russia's aggressive war in Ukraine immediately as part of a new cold war-though it could certainly become one of its foundation pieces-nor define history simply in terms of warfare and conflict. Yet such history has great appeal in efforts to understand the dizzying and depressing events of recent years. For example, correspondents and commentators have likened the delivery of weapons systems, protective gear, and humanitarian aid to a beleaguered Ukraine to the Berlin Airlift of 1948-49. But relying on history as a guide may mislead as much as enlighten. No city symbolizes the Cold War quite as Berlin does. When we think of the Cold War and of Berlin, we tend to emphasize the crises-the 1948-49 blockade and airlift, perhaps the 1953 East German workers' uprising, surely the 1958-61 crisis, during which the Berlin Wall was built-and the climactic ending of the Cold War in Europe when the wall came down. Berlin may conjure up iconic moments and tropes, from a statement attributed to Nikita Khrushchev in 1963 that Berlin was "the testicles of the West," to John F. Kennedy's insistence that all free men had to be invested in the defense of Berlin, to Ronald Reagan's exhortation to Mikhail Gorbachev to "tear down this wall." For American presidents (or presidential hopefuls), Berlin and the Brandenburg Gate have remained powerful images, even in the twenty-first century. A presence in Berlin signals strong leadership in the West, even though the proximate reasons why the West, as a political construct, emerged in the first place may be gone. In that sense, Berlin also stands for overcoming the past: first, West Berlin as the counterpoint not only to eastern communism but also to defeated fascism, and second, the new Berlin as the capital of a unified Germany and as a symbol that the West has won"-- 
520 |a "The Cold War is back in the news. So is history, in the sense of past geopolitical confrontations that for a span of a few decades were thought to be largely decoupled from present-day political developments. Of course, such reflexive reactions lack nuance and, until the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, tended to refer more to tensions between the United States and China. We should neither see Russia's aggressive war in Ukraine immediately as part of a new cold war-though it could certainly become one of its foundation pieces-nor define history simply in terms of warfare and conflict. Yet such history has great appeal in efforts to understand the dizzying and depressing events of recent years. For example, correspondents and commentators have likened the delivery of weapons systems, protective gear, and humanitarian aid to a beleaguered Ukraine to the Berlin Airlift of 1948-49. But relying on history as a guide may mislead as much as enlighten. No city symbolizes the Cold War quite as Berlin does. When we think of the Cold War and of Berlin, we tend to emphasize the crises-the 1948-49 blockade and airlift, perhaps the 1953 East German workers' uprising, surely the 1958-61 crisis, during which the Berlin Wall was built-and the climactic ending of the Cold War in Europe when the wall came down. Berlin may conjure up iconic moments and tropes, from a statement attributed to Nikita Khrushchev in 1963 that Berlin was "the testicles of the West," to John F. Kennedy's insistence that all free men had to be invested in the defense of Berlin, to Ronald Reagan's exhortation to Mikhail Gorbachev to "tear down this wall." For American presidents (or presidential hopefuls), Berlin and the Brandenburg Gate have remained powerful images, even in the twenty-first century. A presence in Berlin signals strong leadership in the West, even though the proximate reasons why the West, as a political construct, emerged in the first place may be gone. In that sense, Berlin also stands for overcoming the past: first, West Berlin as the counterpoint not only to eastern communism but also to defeated fascism, and second, the new Berlin as the capital of a unified Germany and as a symbol that the West has won"-- 
520 |a "With a focus on Berlin, this assessment of transatlantic relations since 1945 emphasizes the importance of diplomacy and long-term conflict management at a time when many commentators speculate about a new cold war developing"-- 
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