A social role for churches and cultural demarcation: how German MEPs represent religion in the European Parliament
This study deals with the question of how German members of the European Parliament (MEPs) represent the German model of religion-state relations at the European level. Based on a survey and interviews with German MEPs as well as a content-analysis of German MEPs’ speeches, motions and parliamentary...
| Главные авторы: | ; |
|---|---|
| Формат: | Электронный ресурс Статья |
| Язык: | Английский |
| Проверить наличие: | HBZ Gateway |
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| Fernleihe: | Fernleihe für die Fachinformationsdienste |
| Опубликовано: |
Routledge
2014
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| В: |
Religion, state & society
Год: 2014, Том: 42, Выпуск: 2/3, Страницы: 148-165 |
| Другие ключевые слова: | B
Church
B Религия (мотив) B church-state relations B European Parliament B Ислам (мотив) B Germany |
| Online-ссылка: |
Presumably Free Access Volltext (lizenzpflichtig) |
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| 520 | |a This study deals with the question of how German members of the European Parliament (MEPs) represent the German model of religion-state relations at the European level. Based on a survey and interviews with German MEPs as well as a content-analysis of German MEPs’ speeches, motions and parliamentary questions during the seventh term of the European Parliament (EP), our study demonstrates that this model is represented in three dimensions. First, German MEPs reflect the close cooperation between the churches and the state in Germany, primarily on social issues, through largely church- and religion-friendly attitudes and relatively frequent contacts with religious interest-groups. Second, by referring to religious freedoms and minorities primarily outside the EU and by placing Islam in considerably more critical contexts than Christianity, German MEPs create a cultural demarcation line between Islam and Christianity through their parliamentary activities, which is similar to, though less politicised than, cultural boundaries often produced in public debates in Germany. Third, our study illustrates similar patterns of religious affiliation and subjective religiosity among German parliamentarians in both the EP and the national Parliament, which to some degree also reflect societal trends in Germany. Yet our data also suggest that European political elites are more religious than the average German population. If the presence of religion in terms of religious interest-groups and arguments is included, the EP appears to be more secularist than the German Parliament. | ||
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