A Theological Case for Ukraine’s European Integration: Deconstructing the Myth of “Holy Russia” versus “Decadent Europe”
The overall aim of this article is to make a theological case for Ukraine’s integration into the European family of nations. I build this case by pursuing two primary lines of argument: firstly, by demonstrating the implausibility of the common assumptions (held by many Ukrainian Christians) that Ru...
| Main Author: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Electronic Article |
| Language: | English |
| Check availability: | HBZ Gateway |
| Journals Online & Print: | Drawer...
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| Fernleihe: | Fernleihe für die Fachinformationsdienste |
| Published: |
Brill
2022
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| In: |
International journal of public theology
Year: 2022, Volume: 16, Issue: 3, Pages: 289-304 |
| IxTheo Classification: | AB Philosophy of religion; criticism of religion; atheism CH Christianity and Society KBK Europe (East) KDF Orthodox Church NCA Ethics |
| Further subjects: | B
Christian values
B Europe B Ukraine B Liberty B Orthodoxy B Russia |
| Online Access: |
Volltext (lizenzpflichtig) Volltext (lizenzpflichtig) |
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| 520 | |a The overall aim of this article is to make a theological case for Ukraine’s integration into the European family of nations. I build this case by pursuing two primary lines of argument: firstly, by demonstrating the implausibility of the common assumptions (held by many Ukrainian Christians) that Russia is more ‘spiritual’ and ‘Christian’ than ‘secular’ and ‘godless’ Europe. Secondly, I seek to make a positive case for why principles, such as human dignity and human rights, cultural diversity, democracy, justice, fairness, equality and the rule of law, are much more appropriate indicators of Christian values than nominal allegiance to religious institutions among a certain population. This article is divided into three parts. Part One identifies and critiques the salient features of the “Holy Russia” myth with illustrations drawn from various representative figures. Part Two is devoted to the defence of the European tradition in which I advance the counterintuitive argument that secular liberalism is more in continuity with orthodox Christianity than Christian nationalism. In Part Three, I apply these general points to the specific issue of Ukraine and its fate as a European nation. | ||
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